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Extra info for Decolonizing International Health: India and Southeast Asia, 1930–65

Example text

The meanings of medical technology were neither stable nor monolithic. The uncertainties of biotechnology were, and are, particularly profound because of their direct impact upon the body. A key argument in the book is that the technologies of public health meant different things to, say, a WHO consultant in rural Madras, a locallytrained health ‘auxiliary’ wielding a spray gun of DDT, and the parents of a child who had reacted adversely to a vaccination. 59 The dramatic success of yaws vaccination was ‘internalized’ very differently to the uncertain prophylaxis of the anti-tuberculosis BCG vaccine, when tuberculosis continued to exact a heavy toll even after hundreds of millions were vaccinated.

Through the missionary fervour of the societies, one admiring British official declared, ‘the illiterate, suspicious and apathetic peasant could be moved to action’. 77 To some extent, these international discussions of nutrition and health in the wake of global depression influenced colonial states. 78 British colonial governments, too, indicated their increasing interest in public health. 80 Yet such views coexisted with a deepening colonial pessimism about their ability to affect the conditions of health in tropical Asia.

The lands of Eastern Europe were an early focus of the Rockefeller Foundation’s activities in the 1920s. The Foundation had established schools of public health in Warsaw, Zagreb and Budapest, Prague and Bucharest by 1930. The Rockefeller approach to Eastern Europe came out of its experience in the US Deep South, which had convinced them that only the State, supported by philanthropic funds, could effect a transformation of public health in ‘backward’ agricultural areas. 19 At the Zagreb School of Public Health, Stampar pioneered an approach to rural medicine based on mass education, agricultural extension projects and the techniques of the cooperative movement.

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